Tares Oburumu, from a deprived childhood to poetic limelight

By Chiedu Uche Okoye

Poetry, a genre of literature, is an old art whose origin dates to centuries of years ago. And it was William Wordsworth, who defined poetry as the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings, which are recollected in tranquility. But in Nigeria, it is perceived as a labour of love. In spite of Nigerians’ unflattering perception of poetry, Nigerian poets, who are holding aloft the poetic heritage and legacies left behind by Chris Okigbo, Wole Soyinka, Gabriel Okara, and John Pepper Clark, are churning out poetic works.

Thankfully, Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) had instituted a literary competition, our own equivalence of the Nobel prize for literature, which rotates among these genres of literature, namely children’s literature, poetry, drama, and prose. This year’s edition of the NLNG literary competition is for poetry. And 223 entries were received for the competition.

Interestingly, Tares Oburumu, a poet, who has written himself into global reckoning, is on the shortlist for the coveted 2026 NLNG literary prize. The other contenders for the poetic prize are James Ngwu Eze and Ogaga Ifowodo, both of whom had held exalted political posts in the past. Any of them could win the prize. But Oburunmu is hopeful that he will win the literary poetic prize.

Oburumu has worked his fingers to the bone to achieve literary stardom. Over the years, he has honed his poetic skills and experimented with many poetic techniques to create his own poetic style and voice. His tortuous journey to literary greatness was marked by a mixture of failures and successes. While some of his poetic works were rejected by publishers and journals, others were accepted by them. Not deterred by obstacles he encountered in his writing journey, he soldiered on.

Later, good fortune smiled on him, and he won the Sillerman First Book For African Poetry in 2022. His winning that literary prize announced him to the world and boosted his enthusiasm for writing poetry. That literary prize, which he won, secured a place for him in the pantheon of Nigeria’s literary greats. Before then, he had won the GAP poetry prize (Defunct) in 2014. From the foregoing, it can be seen that his emergence on the shortlist of 2026 NLNG literary prize is not a fluke.

But Oburumu had overcome a difficult childhood to emerge as a literary star. He recounted that nursery school education eluded him; and that he attended a primary school where he sat on bare ground to listen to their teachers’ educational teachings. He further said that their primary school’s teachers teach them only four subjects, namely English language, Mathematics, Social Studies, and Christian Religious Studies.

“At the time I was of age to attend school, there were no nursery schools or phase in my place of birth. So I started from primary school. I would say that it was an empty school because it was in a remote place and the people care less of education.

“I recalled that we had no school library, no books, and only about four teachers taking up the arduous task meant for eight or more teachers.

“And we were taught just four subjects: English language, Mathematics, Social Studies, and Christian Religious Studies. We sat on the mud floor until we were in primary four. It was then I wore my first school uniform, which my mother bought with funds she was saving for her fish trade,” Oburumu said.

He narrated how his mother made huge sacrifices and worked hard to help him and his siblings achieve their lives’ aspirations and goals. His mother who dropped out of school when she got pregnant didn’t want him and his siblings to suffer the same sad fate as she suffered. Oburumu was raised in a home where the father was absent. It was a case of deprived childhood.

Not surprisingly, his mother is the afflatus that actuates and drives his poetic enterprise. According to Oburumu, he saw his mother in the lines of poems written by Soyinka, Okigbo, Walcott, and Transtomer, which he had read, innumerable times. And the poetic works of Okigbo, Walcott, and Eliot have great influence on him. His appropriation and melding of their poetic styles birthed a medley, which is authentically and uniquely his. Little wonder, Oburumu has become a star poet.

And he is on the shortlist for the 2026 NLNG literary prize. Tares Oburumu’s poetic work titled Flora’s Love Colony, which is shortlisted for the 2026 NLNG literary prize is a classic re-telling and re-imagining of our chequered colonial past, which encompasses our country’s troubles, flaws, assets, and beauty. That book of poetry is a product of research. Oburumu said that the book would have come out better had the original manuscript not been lost.

And Oburumu’s poetic work is shortlisted alongside James Ngwu Eze’s “Unbind Me Now”; and Ogaga Ifowodo’s “Why Does God Need A Gun’ for the 2026 NLNG literary prize. But if he wins the literary prize, it will have significances for Nigeria’s literati and aficionados. It will be a proof that the circumstances of a man’s birth and his geographical abode cannot impede his intellectual pursuits and creative ingenuity. Again, if he wins the prize, his victory will inspire millions of young people, who are inclined to literature, to take their creative writing, seriously. Another significance of the anticipated Oburumu’s victory is that the resilience of a man’s spirit can take him to a great height in his chosen area of specialization.

The past winners of the yearly NLNG literary competition for the poetry category were Ohaeto Ezenwa and Gabriel Okara, who were joint winners in 2005; Romeo Origun’s Nomad, 2022; Ikeogu Oke’s Heresiad, 2017; and Tade Ipadeola’s Sahara Testament, 2013. Can Tares Oburumu join the lengthening list of the winners of the most prestigious literary prize in Nigeria? The answer blows in the air now.

Court of Appeal nullifies four Electoral Act provisions, reshapes party primaries ahead of 2027

The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja has struck down four key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, ruling that they are inconsistent with the 1999 Constitution and unlawfully restrict the internal affairs of political parties.

The affected provisions are Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), which deal principally with political party membership registers and the procedures through which parties select candidates for elections.

In a unanimous judgment delivered by a three-member panel led by Justice Balkisu Bello Aliyu, the appellate court overturned the earlier decision of the Federal High Court in a case involving the Zenith Party and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The lead judgment was delivered by Justice Eberechi Nyesom-Wike, with the panel holding that political parties cannot be subjected to statutory restrictions that interfere with powers guaranteed to them under the Constitution.

The court consequently struck down Section 77(5), which restricted participation in party primaries to members whose names appeared on the membership register submitted to INEC. Section 77(6), which prevented parties from using a different register during primaries, congresses and conventions, was also nullified.

Similarly, Section 77(7), which could prevent a political party from fielding candidates where it failed to submit its membership register within the stipulated period, was declared unconstitutional. The court also struck down Section 84(2), which limited candidate nomination to direct primaries or consensus.

The Court of Appeal held that political parties should retain greater discretion over their internal affairs, particularly in determining the procedures through which they select their candidates, while stressing that the judgment did not invalidate the entire Electoral Act or abolish the requirement for parties to maintain and submit membership registers to INEC.

The judgment is expected to have significant implications for the 2027 general elections, particularly the conduct of party primaries and the nomination of candidates, as political parties may now have greater latitude in managing their internal electoral processes. Authority.

Tinubu–Shettima 2027 support group begins nationwide mobilisation

The National Movement for Tinubu–Shettima 2027 — Forward Nigeria has commenced preparations for a nationwide consultation, organisation and mobilisation campaign ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The movement, which is backing the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), said it had already established the philosophical, organisational and operational structures required for a broad-based national mobilisation.

This was contained in a statement issued in Abuja on Thursday and jointly signed by members of the movement’s Interim National Coordinating Committee led by Professor Rufa’i Ahmed Alkali, National Coordinator; Dr Bassey Rekpene, National Coordinating Secretary; and Ardo Zubairu, National Media Coordinator.

The group explained that although September 1 had initially been considered for its formal public unveiling, further consultations and organisational considerations had necessitated a slight adjustment.

It said a new date for the formal commencement of its activities would be announced shortly.

According to the movement, substantial progress has already been made in developing the structures that will guide its activities, including a **Mandate Document** which serves as its foundational framework.

The document, it said, defines the movement’s philosophy, objectives, organisational architecture and strategic direction.

It has also developed a **National Covenant**, outlining its position on the 2027 elections and the rationale behind its support for the continuity of the Tinubu-Shettima administration under the APC.

The movement said its support was based on the conviction that the 2027 election would provide Nigerians with an opportunity to assess the direction of the country and make informed choices on its future leadership.

“The 2027 election must go beyond personal issues and propaganda. It should provide Nigerians an opportunity to assess competing visions, evaluate national progress and make informed choices about the leadership and policies best suited to advancing the country’s interests,” it said.

The group also disclosed that it had developed a comprehensive **Programme of Action** to guide consultations, stakeholder engagement, public communication, grassroots mobilisation and interaction with citizens across the country.

It said its communication and administrative infrastructure was being strengthened through the establishment of an official website, email platforms, WhatsApp channels and dedicated telephone lines.

The movement said consultations had already commenced with stakeholders and prospective members across the 36 states of the federation, as well as Nigerians in the diaspora.

“We are engaging members nationwide and beyond to establish their level of commitment, identify areas of competence and interest, and determine the responsibilities they are prepared to undertake. The response has been encouraging,” the statement said.

Following its formal launch, the group said it would roll out a structured national mobilisation programme aimed at establishing its presence across states, local government areas and communities.

It said details of forthcoming activities, including dates, venues and participation arrangements, would be communicated through its official channels after the ongoing preparations were concluded.

The movement stressed that successful political mobilisation required more than popular enthusiasm, insisting that organisation and sustained engagement would be critical to the 2027 electoral contest.

“Elections are not won by enthusiasm alone. Organisation, communication, mobilisation, commitment and responsible civic participation remain indispensable,” it said.

The group therefore urged its members and supporters to strengthen their networks, engage more deeply with their communities and identify areas where they could contribute to the Tinubu-Shettima 2027 project.

It said its central objective was to build “a broad-based, disciplined, credible and nationally representative platform of support” for the re-election bid.

The movement said the objective was situated within what it described as a larger vision of a stronger, more prosperous, secure, stable and forward-looking Nigeria.

It further distinguished itself from what it described as conventional political support groups, saying it intended to provide a structured platform through which supporters could participate actively in the country’s political process.

“The National Movement for Tinubu–Shettima 2027 — Forward Nigeria is not conceived merely as another political support platform. It is intended to provide a credible national vehicle through which Nigerians who share this vision can participate actively, responsibly and constructively in shaping the country’s political future,” the statement said.

The movement subsequently invited Nigerians who support continuity, stability, development, national cohesion and what it described as progressive governance to identify with the emerging mobilisation ahead of the 2027 elections. Authority.

Oluwatosin Ajayi: The quiet revolution inside Nigeria’s Secret Service

By Chidi Omeje

“Power announces itself with noise; reform proves itself in silence.”

Two years into his tenure as Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi is making a case for a different kind of leadership for Nigeria’s premium intelligence asset: one that is tough on terrorism and organised crime, but more restrained in the exercise of state power; one that pursues convictions rather than headline arrests, cooperation rather than inter-agency rivalry, and public trust rather than institutional intimidation. That is the real significance of Ajayi’s tenure.

He is not an outsider attempting to impose change on the DSS. He is its own creation. He joined the Service as a cadet officer 36 years ago and rose through its ranks to become its Director-General; the first cadet of the organisation to reach its summit.

He knows the system from within: what it can do, where it falls short and where its habits have sometimes worked against it. His answer has been neither to repudiate the past nor to defend it reflexively, but to change what needs changing. The clearest evidence is the way he has sought to redefine the use of power itself.

Under Ajayi, the principle is straightforward: not every dispute is a security matter, and not every disagreement requires an arrest. For him, civil disputes should be resolved through civil processes. Where the Service disagrees with a journalist or civil society organisation, it can seek clarification, demand a correction or go to court. The coercive powers of the state should be reserved for genuine threats and criminal conduct.

In a country where security agencies have often been criticised for blurring that distinction, this is more than administrative reform. It is a change in institutional culture. And that may prove to be Ajayi’s most important contribution to the DSS.

For years, the DSS was often portrayed as an institution where the arrest room came before the courtroom, and where allegations could sometimes become punishment before evidence was tested. Ajayi appears determined to change that culture. His operating principle is refreshingly straightforward: not every dispute is a security matter, and not every disagreement requires an arrest. That may sound elementary in a democracy. But in an intelligence organisation accustomed to operating behind a veil of secrecy, it represents a significant cultural shift. And the evidence of that shift is difficult to ignore.

Ajayi has been recognised and appreciated by the International Press Institute, the Nigeria Union of Journalists and the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria, institutions whose relationship with the security establishment has not always been comfortable. The irony is hard to miss: a DSS Director-General receiving plaudits from the media.

But perhaps his most consequential reform is one that has received less attention: the decision to acknowledge when the state gets it wrong.

Ajayi has also embraced what may be described as restorative justice: when DSS personnel cause unjustifiable harm, the Service should apologise, compensate the victim and, where possible, help restore what was lost. Consider the Jos businessman mistakenly shot in 2016. A court awarded him ₦10 million, but the judgment was not implemented for years. Ajayi reopened the matter after becoming DG, accepted the Service’s responsibility, provided medical treatment and approved another ₦10 million to help rebuild the man’s livelihood.

There are other cases: an Abuja businesswoman mistakenly arrested during an anti-bunkering operation; a couple detained on mistaken terrorism allegations; students whose phones were damaged during a counter-kidnapping operation. In each case, the underlying message is the same: the power of the state does not make the state infallible. That is an important lesson for any security institution, and it is also smart intelligence policy.

Ajayi understands that the greatest asset of an intelligence service is not always a satellite, surveillance system or sophisticated database. It is people. Citizens who trust security agencies are more likely to volunteer information. Communities that do not feel collectively criminalised are more likely to cooperate. People who believe that the state will correct its mistakes are less likely to regard it as an enemy. In Ajayi’s formulation, human intelligence begins with human dignity. That philosophy also explains his interest in reaching vulnerable Nigerians, including young people from orphanages, and his emphasis on humanitarian interventions across communities.

There is a strategic calculation beneath the humanitarianism: reduce alienation and you reduce the space in which violent extremism and organised crime can thrive. But Ajayi’s reform agenda is not simply about being softer. On the contrary, he has presided over a DSS that appears increasingly determined to be tougher where toughness is justified, and smarter about where it is applied.

The clearest example is the emphasis on convictions rather than mere arrests. For too long, Nigerian security agencies have sometimes celebrated the arrest of suspects as though arrest itself were proof of guilt. Ajayi’s approach is different: investigate properly, gather evidence, prosecute diligently and secure convictions. That approach has produced terrorism convictions resulting in life imprisonment, lengthy prison sentences and death sentences in some cases.

The Service has also reported the interception and recovery of hundreds of sophisticated firearms and more than 300,000 rounds of ammunition, alongside operations targeting terrorist and kidnapping networks. The point is not the statistics alone. It is the philosophy behind them: disrupt the network, dismantle its supply chain and take the case to court. That is what a professional intelligence service should do.

Ajayi has also taken aim at another longstanding weakness in Nigeria’s security architecture: institutional rivalry. His prescription is blunt. If agencies compete for glory, blame leadership. If they cooperate, credit leadership.

Under his watch, the DSS has increasingly emphasised intelligence sharing and joint operations involving the military, police, NSCDC, vigilantes and foreign partners. The Oriire school children and teachers abduction operation in Oyo State is a useful illustration. Rather than one agency claiming the victory, the operation was acknowledged as a collective effort. Nigeria’s security threats are too complicated for one agency to defeat alone.

The intelligence chief is equally candid about the limits of intelligence. He does not pretend that the DSS can prevent every attack. Nor does he hide behind the hundreds of threats that may have been disrupted but never became headlines. His acknowledgement that a parent whose child has been kidnapped does not care about attacks that were prevented elsewhere is perhaps one of the most sober observations from his modus operandi.

For him, a prevented attack is invisible. A kidnapped child is not. That is why his advocacy for stronger local security structures, including state police and forest guards, is significant. Intelligence without the capacity to respond quickly can become little more than information sitting in a file.

And there is another issue on which the DSS chief deserves credit: his insistence that crime must not be ethnicised. Nigeria cannot criminalise an ethnicity because some members of that community commit crimes. Criminality has no tribe, religion or political party. The task of the state is to identify the criminal, prosecute the criminal and protect the innocent, without collective punishment.

Ajayi’s explanation of the country’s worsening insecurity points to something deeper: the retreat of governance from remote communities. Where government disappears, criminals move in. Where forests become ungoverned spaces, kidnappers establish camps. Where communities lose legitimate security structures, criminal networks fill the vacuum. The answer, according to him, cannot be guns alone. It must include governance, intelligence, community policing, justice and the restoration of public confidence. That broader understanding may be the most important feature of Ajayi’s leadership. He is not presenting the DSS merely as an organisation that arrests people. He is rather trying to turn it into an institution that anticipates threats, builds partnerships, gathers intelligence, respects the law, protects its credibility and learns from its mistakes.

The transformation is however not complete. Indeed, Nigeria’s security challenges remain daunting. Terrorism, kidnapping, banditry, communal violence, arms proliferation and ungoverned spaces continue to test the country. Ajayi himself concedes that the Service must do more.

That concession is important. The true measure of a security chief is not how loudly he declares victory, but how honestly he confronts the threat. Two years into his tenure, Ajayi’s most consequential achievement may therefore not be any single arrest, weapons seizure or conviction. It may be something less dramatic but far more enduring: the attempt to change the culture of a powerful institution.

He is certainly determined to make the DSS tough without making it reckless. Secretive without being unaccountable. Powerful without becoming arbitrary, and feared by criminals without being feared by innocent citizens. That is a difficult balance but after 36 years inside Nigeria’s secret service, Oluwatosin Ajayi appears to understand something fundamental: the ultimate strength of an intelligence organisation is not how much power it possesses, but how effectively it earns the trust of the people it is sworn to protect.

That is the quiet revolution underway at the DSS and Mr Oluwatosin Ajayi is behind it. Kudos to him.

Chidi Omeje is the Publisher of Security Digest and member of Zagazola Media Network

Ekwueme in 1999, Obi in 2027: Can the North remedy its error

By Ike Abonyi

” _Compromise is the art of dividing a cake in such a way that everyone believes he has the biggest piece.”_ — Ludwig Erhard

The January 16, 2027, presidential election is significant for numerous historical reasons. It offers the politically dominant Northern region an opportunity to rectify the error it committed 27 years ago through the young officers of that era, led by Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and Aliyu Gusau. These three influential figures, whose effects on Northern politics remain evident, are all still alive and observing the consequences of the path the region—and the country as a whole—has taken because they firmly rejected the counsel of Northern political elders, then led by former President Shehu Shagari and Maitama Sule.

The elders had urged the military leaders in power at the time to transfer authority to Dr Alex Ekwueme, who had successfully organised the politicians and prepared them to assume power from the military.

For those Northern elders, a handover to Ekwueme would have ensured a smooth continuation of the longstanding political partnership between the North and the East. This relationship had functioned effectively and helped stabilise the country before the soldiers brought it to an end in 1983.

Moreover, they regarded Ekwueme as an excellent choice because he had served as Shagari’s Vice President for four years, acting as a versatile partner in the administration.

But the soldiers resented Dr Ekwueme’s boldness in challenging the military and effortlessly rallying politicians to discredit them. Instead, they wanted Ekwueme to go for the Senate President position, an offer he rejected outright; not after being number two, turned around years later to go for the number three position. The Generals were also more focused on restoring military solidarity and cohesion, which General Sani Abacha had seriously undermined by imprisoning their two highly respected senior officers, Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Musa Yar’Adua, the latter of whom died in custody. For the soldiers, placing Obasanjo, who was not genuinely interested but was persuaded, ahead of Ekwueme addressed two critical problems they had created: appeasing the military community over Obasanjo’s treatment and Yar’Adua’s death, and placating the ethnic Yoruba, who had lost Chief Moshood Abiola in the political crisis.

A senior Northern political leader recently told me about the North’s regret over that political miscalculation. In 1998, those elders had conveyed the message to the soldiers metaphorically: if you must lend your wife to someone, it should be someone who will cause her the least possible harm by the time she is returned to you.

Looking at the region today and what it has become — a battleground, a centre of poverty production, a visibly divided region, and a political battlefield — is deeply disheartening. During this political era, the region has produced two presidents, Umaru Yar’Adua and Muhammadu Buhari, and lost both of them. It has also produced three vice presidents: Atiku Abubakar, Namadi Sambo, and Kashim Shettima. Although all three are alive, they are politically embattled. Nigeria as a whole has remained in a political coma. After 27 years of uninterrupted so-called democracy, the country has arrived at a Bola Tinubu presidency under which 35 million citizens live below the poverty line, while Nigeria is shamefully ranked among the 60 poorest countries in the world. This is a nation counted among the ten most naturally endowed countries globally, with virtually every valuable resource beneath its soil by God’s design. Yet, what it abundantly offers the world is unprecedented poverty fueled by unprecedented corruption in high places.

Since this political dispensation began in 1999, Northern leaders have metaphorically held the knife and the yam, deciding when to cut and how much to share with other regions. Instead of putting the collective interests of the North first, however, individuals have prioritised their personal interests, frequently using religion as a cover while claiming to serve everyone and accumulating wealth.

Because religion, whether Islam or Christianity, cannot by itself produce physical development, the North has remained stagnant in human development during the past 27 years of a Northern Muslim-dominated political hierarchy and has become the poorest region in the country.

Today, five months before the 2027 presidential election, the geopolitical North finds itself at the same crossroads it faced in 1998, ahead of 1999 — this time, in the lead-up to 2027. Peter Obi now occupies the position once associated with Dr Alex Ekwueme, while Bola Tinubu, an Emilekon politician, has taken the place of Olusegun Obasanjo, a retired general. In the light of these narratives, has the region learned any lessons that will guide better and more pragmatic decisions in its own interest?

Does this present the North with an opportunity to correct the mistake of 1999, or are its leaders still motivated by selfishness and ego? I am sure these surviving Generals, all in their 80s and already approaching their departure lounges, will appreciate the correction in their lifetime.

If the North now acknowledges that its actions in 1999 established the wrong foundation for democracy — abandoning a more inclusive political trajectory in favour of ethnic and religious ownership of power — is it prepared to correct those wrongs, or will it persist along the same flawed path?

Northern leaders should now examine the paradox of Nigeria’s most politically influential region also being one of its most disadvantaged in human development.

Does the platform of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), offer the much-needed opportunity to correct these mistakes? Are Northerners prepared to set personal interests aside and reshape Northern politics for the benefit of the wider society? The central question is this: why do Obi and Kwankwaso appeal to people? Both have demonstrated strong records—Obi with his “consumption to production” philosophy, and Kwankwaso through his emphasis on education, employment, and healthcare. Their tenures in Anambra and Kano states respectively, where they exercised authority, reflect their dedication to these essential areas of poverty reduction.

When Peter Obi describes Northern Nigeria’s vast landmass as the country’s future source of wealth, he also explains how that potential can be realised—by securing the region, providing employment for idle young people who may otherwise turn to crime, and supporting small businesses. His claim that Nigeria has no justification for being poor speaks directly to the region’s untapped and underdeveloped resources.

Millions of ordinary Northerners suffer under a self-serving political system. It is reasonable to conclude, without dispute, that Nigeria’s difficulties arise from elites’ political exploitation of the North’s numerical strength, as they convert religion, ethnicity, and poverty into electoral influence without using that influence to promote development. Next year’s election presents Northern voters with a significant opportunity to choose leaders capable of delivering security, education, employment, productive agriculture, and accountable governance. This explains why the Peter Obi/Rabiu Kwankwaso ticket resonates with many people in the North today. Former Vice President and the African Democratic Congress (ADC) Presidential flagbearer, Atiku Abubakar’s sentiment of being a Northerner appears not to be resonating not only because it will disrupt the zoning arrangement that is helping to stabilise the polity in the country but also because he belonged to the old brigade that had exploited the region. While he, like other Northern political leaders, has grown in wealth and fame, the region and majority of its people have been going down.

This Obi-Kwankwaso 2027 project may be the most sensible option for Northern leaders because, in a region burdened by poverty, it echoes John F. Kennedy’s warning: “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

People also remember Frederick Douglass’s words: “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will,” but the youths of the North are already demanding it.

Self-serving leaders in the North, like their counterparts in other regions within the ruling APC, who are still living in the past, appear to be overlooking the shortcomings of President Tinubu, including his questionable background, the lack of transparency surrounding his records, and the obvious corruption under his administration. The main priority of such people is enriching themselves, even when it comes at the people’s expense.

Ultimately, it is therefore necessary at this juncture, while ending this conversation, to remind those who have chosen to ignore the region’s troubling circumstances and who have continued to exploit the North of the counsel offered by South Africa’s renowned cleric, Desmond Tutu, that “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.” And when the time comes to hold the oppressors accountable, no one will be exempt. May God help us.

Shettima @60: ‘Don’t spend a kobo on gift for me’ -VP

Vice-President Kashim Shettima has appealed to Nigerians to mark his 60th birthday by donating to charitable causes rather than spending money on gifts or celebrations in his honour.

Shettima, born on September 2, 1966, turns 60 today, and made the appeal in a personal message titled “What I Ask For at Sixty”.

The Vice-President said reaching the age of 60 had deepened his resolve to prioritise gratitude, service and generosity over material accumulation.

He urged his friends, supporters, associates and well-wishers across the country not to spend money on birthday gifts, advertisements or other material gestures for him.

“Please do not spend a kobo on a gift for me, nor undertake any venture of material consequence in my honour,” he said.

Instead, Shettima asked those wishing him well to channel whatever resources they would have spent on birthday celebrations to a charity, worthy cause or individual in need anywhere in Nigeria.

He said such acts of kindness would represent meaningful prayers on his behalf.

“A nation is ennobled by the care it extends to those who need the strength of others,” he said, adding that generosity should not be measured solely by the size of the donation.

The Vice-President also reflected on the role of family, friends, teachers, colleagues and strangers in shaping an individual’s journey, saying Nigerians should repay such acts of kindness by extending help to others.

“Every hand that lifts another somewhere in Nigeria tomorrow will be a candle lit for me,” he said.

Beyond charitable giving, Shettima asked Nigerians to pray for him and the country, particularly for peace, prosperity, wise leadership and the fulfilment of Nigeria’s potential.

He described Nigeria as a country blessed with an industrious population, entrepreneurial spirit, youthful energy and rich cultural diversity.

Shettima expressed appreciation to Nigerians for the affection, friendship, loyalty and prayers that had accompanied him throughout his life, wishing them long life, good health and fulfilment. Authority,

INEC dismisses NDC’s allegations of candidates switching

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has dismissed allegations by the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) that it removed the party’s validly nominated candidates for some State House of Assembly constituencies in Anambra and Benue states and replaced them with unauthorised names.

The party had in statement signed by it’s National Chairman, Cleopas Zuwoghe, accused the commission of substituting validly nominated candidates with “imposters”.

It accused INEC of systematically replacing candidates nominated by the party with names unknown to its leadership, particularly in constituencies in Anambra State, the home state of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi.

The party alleged that INEC officials used the candidate-uploading process to impose candidates on it, claiming that the commission went behind the party to obtain Form EC9 from individuals whose names were subsequently published as NDC candidates.

But INEC in a statement issued on Tuesday by the Chairman of Information and Voter Education Committee, Mohammed Kudu Haruna, described the allegations as unfounded, insisting that candidate nomination remains the exclusive responsibility of political parties and that the commission has no legal authority to select, insert or substitute candidates for any political party.

The Commission rejected the allegations, saying its role in monitoring political party primaries was strictly limited to statutory oversight and did not give it the power to determine who should emerge as a party’s candidate.

“Candidate nomination is, by law, the exclusive responsibility of political parties. INEC has no legal authority to select, insert, or substitute a candidate for any party,” the commission said.

It explained that monitoring party primaries was an oversight responsibility and did not confer any authority on its officials to impose candidates on political parties.

According to INEC, all 22 registered political parties ahead of the 2027 general elections designated two technically trained officers to manage their candidate nomination processes.

The commission said the officers were trained by INEC before being granted access to the candidate nomination portal.

It further explained that access codes to the portal were issued directly to the national chairmen of the respective political parties.

“The portal access codes were issued directly and in person to each party’s National Chairman, and not by proxy,” the statement said.

INEC said candidate lists were subsequently generated from submissions made by the political parties and jointly signed by their national chairmen and national secretaries through the Form EC9 series, covering Forms EC9A to EC9G.

The commission consequently rejected claims that its officials independently uploaded or altered candidate information submitted by the NDC.

“Therefore, any claim that the Commission independently uploaded or altered candidate information is unfounded and untrue,” INEC stated.

The commission further said it was in possession of documentary evidence contradicting the NDC’s allegations.

“As a matter of fact, the Commission has in its possession, Form EC9E where these candidates were listed and submitted to the Commission duly signed by the National Chairman and the National Secretary of the party,” it said.

The development follows an escalating dispute between the NDC and INEC over the list of candidates published for the 2027 State Houses of Assembly elections.

The NDC, in its earlier statement, had specifically alleged that 10 names published in Anambra State constituencies were not authorised by the party. It claimed that the disputed names had not emerged from its nomination process and that its genuine candidates had been prevented from being uploaded.

The party’s National Chairman, Senator Moses Cleopas Zuwoghe, had called on the INEC Chairman to immediately investigate the matter and determine how the disputed names came to be published as NDC candidates.

The party had also alleged that similar discrepancies existed in Benue, Imo and other states, describing the development as part of a wider pattern aimed at frustrating opposition parties.

It had vowed to pursue the matter in court and seek the restoration of what it described as its authentic candidates.

INEC, however, maintained that its candidate nomination process was designed to preserve the authority of political parties while ensuring accountability and transparency in the electoral process.

The commission said the documentation in its possession showed that the disputed candidates were formally submitted by the NDC’s authorised leadership.

The latest response from INEC therefore places the burden of explaining the disputed submissions squarely on the political party, particularly given the commission’s insistence that the relevant Form EC9E was duly signed by the NDC National Chairman and National Secretary.

INEC reaffirmed its commitment to providing a level playing field for all political parties and other stakeholders ahead of the 2027 elections.

“The Commission remains committed to transparency, accountability and providing a level playing field for all stakeholders in the electoral process,” Haruna said. Authority.

₦19.1tn phantom subsidy: Nigerians too poor for high fuel costs, says ADC

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has rejected the Presidency’s claim that implementing its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar’s, proposed petrol subsidy to bring pump prices down to about ₦600 per litre could cost Nigeria ₦19.1 trillion annually.

The party described the estimate as a “phantom figure,” accusing the Presidency of creating a hypothetical subsidy model based on a $40-per-barrel differential and then using the resulting projection to discredit Atiku’s proposal.

In a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the ADC said the Presidency had failed to demonstrate that the proposed policy would actually require ₦19.1 trillion annually.

The party argued that the fundamental issue was that millions of Nigerians could no longer afford the cost of unsubsidised fuel and that any petroleum policy must therefore take the welfare of citizens into account.

According to the ADC, Atiku’s proposal was fundamentally different from the former petrol subsidy regime because it would shift government intervention from imported refined products to domestic production.

It explained that the proposed model would provide a controlled crude-feedstock incentive to qualifying Nigerian refineries under a benchmark-and-ceiling arrangement.

Under the arrangement, government would establish a benchmark crude price consistent with a targeted maximum domestic petroleum-product price. If the market price remained at or below the benchmark, no subsidy would apply. Where the price exceeded the benchmark, government would cover only the qualifying difference, subject to an approved fiscal ceiling.

The party therefore rejected the Presidency’s assumption of a permanent $40-per-barrel subsidy.

“The Presidency cannot simply take its own $40 assumption, multiply it across an assumed volume and announce the resulting number as the cost of Atiku’s subsidy plan,” the ADC said.

It argued that the Presidency was attacking the old import-dependent subsidy model rather than Atiku’s proposed production-support system.

The party said the old model involved importing refined petroleum products, spending foreign exchange to subsidise them and then consuming them domestically.

By contrast, it said Atiku’s proposal would involve using Nigerian crude in Nigerian refineries to produce petroleum products for domestic consumption, with surplus products potentially exported.

The ADC maintained that such an arrangement would reduce dependence on imported petroleum products, conserve foreign exchange, strengthen domestic refining capacity and retain more economic value within Nigeria.

It also argued that the proposed system would be easier to monitor because crude allocations, refinery intake, production volumes and domestic distribution could be tracked.

“What the Presidency is attacking therefore is the old subsidy regime that Atiku is seeking to replace, not Atiku’s plan,” the party said.

The ADC also challenged the Federal Government to account for what it described as the broader petroleum-related financial burden under the current administration.

It cited approximately ₦7.13 trillion reportedly recorded under “Energy Security” in NNPC’s audited 2024 accounts and referred to broader petroleum-related exposure of about ₦17.5 trillion, depending on the accounting categories included.

The party stressed that it was not equating those figures with conventional petrol subsidy expenditure but demanded transparency regarding their purpose, implementation and economic value.

It also accused the government of inconsistency over fiscal incentives in the petroleum industry, pointing to the Deep Offshore Oil and Gas Projects Incentives (Tax Remission) Order 2026.

According to the ADC, the order provides production tax credits of between $3 and $4.50 per barrel under specified conditions, with supplementary credits capable of raising the aggregate incentive to $11.50 per barrel for qualifying projects.

The party questioned why government could offer fiscal incentives to oil investors while dismissing a controlled production incentive aimed at supporting domestic refineries and reducing fuel prices.

“If Nigeria can provide a production-linked fiscal incentive of up to $11.50 per barrel to stimulate offshore oil production, why is a carefully controlled crude-input incentive for domestic refineries dismissed as economic madness?” it asked.

The ADC also referred to Customs figures showing approximately ₦34 trillion in approved import-duty exemptions, while acknowledging that the figure represented the value of approved exemptions rather than direct government expenditure.

It argued that the exemptions demonstrated that government could legitimately forgo revenue where wider economic or social benefits were expected.

The party said the same principle should apply to a production incentive designed to reduce energy costs for Nigerians and promote domestic refining.

According to the ADC, cheaper petrol would benefit the wider economy and not only motorists.

It said fuel costs affect transportation, agriculture, food distribution, manufacturing, construction, logistics and household purchasing power.

The party consequently faulted the Presidency for calculating the possible cost of Atiku’s proposal without considering the economic cost of maintaining the current policy.

It asked government to calculate the cost of high transportation fares, expensive food distribution, petroleum imports, foreign-exchange demand, refinery under-utilisation and reduced competitiveness of Nigerian businesses.

“Doing nothing is not free. It is ultimately more expensive,” the party said.

The ADC demanded that the Presidency prove that Atiku’s plan would cost ₦19.1 trillion annually, establish that the $40-per-barrel assumption was contained in the proposal and demonstrate that the projected fiscal cost would outweigh the economic benefits.

It also challenged the government to calculate the potential foreign-exchange savings and industrial multiplier arising from increased domestic refining.

“Nigeria deserves an economic model, not a political talking point,” the party said.

On concerns that the policy could enrich wealthy refinery owners, the ADC said potential abuse could be prevented through strict regulatory safeguards, including measurable refinery intake, auditable production, transparent pricing, domestic-supply obligations, digital tracking, claw-back provisions and penalties for diversion.

The party further maintained that Atiku’s proposal was not a return to the old subsidy regime but a capped, audited and traceable production-support programme that could be progressively phased out as domestic refining became competitive.

It also cited Section 109(2) of the Petroleum Industry Act as providing a framework for implementing the Domestic Crude Supply Obligation in furtherance of Nigeria’s energy security.

The ADC concluded that the debate should not simply be about whether Nigeria should subsidise fuel but about what should be subsidised, why and for whose benefit.

“Nigerians are too poor not to be subsidised,” the party said, insisting that Nigerian crude should create value for Nigerians.

It challenged the Presidency to explain why cheaper energy for citizens should receive less public investment than other multi-trillion-naira interventions and fiscal incentives.

The ADC said its proposal was for a transparent production-support regime, not an opaque subsidy system.

“We do not propose to subsidise waste. What we propose is to subsidise production that directly improves capacity,” the party said, adding that the intervention would prioritise domestic value addition rather than import dependence. Authority.

FG targets 20,000 medical students yearly as TETFund plans six simulation centres

The Federal Government has unveiled plans to establish world-class medical simulation centres across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones as part of efforts to expand healthcare training and strengthen the country’s medical workforce.

The Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, disclosed this while receiving the report of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund Medical Simulation Committee.

The proposed centres are expected to enhance practical training for students of medicine, dentistry, nursing, pharmacy and other allied health professions.

A statement issued on Sunday by the minister’s Special Adviser on Media and Communications, Ikharo Attah, said the initiative was in line with President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda on healthcare workforce development.

Alausa said the rapid growth in admission into health-related programmes had made improved practical training facilities increasingly necessary.

“I would like to thank the members of the committee that has worked so hard and assiduously to get us to this point in which we are now talking about building several simulation centres across the country to provide world-class training for our medical students, dental students, nursing students, pharmacy students and other allied healthcare professionals,” the Minister said.

According to him, enrolment in nursing programmes has surged from about 38,000 students three years ago to more than 120,000 across nursing schools nationwide.

He also disclosed that annual admission into medical schools had increased from approximately 5,000 students when the Tinubu administration came into office to nearly 12,000.

The minister said the Federal Government was targeting a further increase in medical school admissions to about 20,000 students annually within the next three years.

“Today, I’m happy to report that we’re admitting almost 12,000 students primarily now. Our goal in the next three years will increase the number of annual medical student enrollment in medical school to about 20,000,” he stated.

Alausa added that admissions into pharmacy and dental programmes had also doubled, indicating a broader expansion in the number of healthcare professionals being trained in the country.

He commended the Chairman of the Medical Simulation Committee, Dr. Wale Suleiman, and other members for their efforts in producing the report and advancing the establishment of the proposed simulation centres.

The minister also acknowledged the contributions of professional and academic stakeholders, including the Registrar of the Medical Emergencies Council, Registrar of the Nursing and Midwifery Council, Registrar of the Pharmacy Council of Nigeria and a Professor in the Department of Ear, Nose and Throat at the University of Abuja Medical School.

Alausa described the planned centres as part of the Tinubu administration’s broader efforts to improve the quality of education and professional training in Nigeria.

“This person, President Bola, is committed to providing the best and the highest quality of education to every child in this country,” he said.

“We are seeing it, we are seeing the result now. It’s another manifestation of President Bola’s fervent and benevolent belief to the progress and benefit of the future of Nigeria,” he added.

The minister assured that the administration would continue to support the development of the TETFund Medical Simulation Centres and the expansion of healthcare training nationwide.

He said the ultimate objective was to widen access to quality professional education while producing a stronger and better-equipped healthcare workforce capable of meeting Nigeria’s future needs. Authority.

President Tinubu begins three-week leave

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is expected to depart Abuja today for Europe to begin a three-week vacation as part of his annual leave.

This was contained in a statement on Sunday by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy.

According to Onanuga, Tinubu’s first stop will be London, United Kingdom.

President Tinubu is expected to return home after the working vacation to join the hectic campaign for the January 2027 election.