Is insecurity fast-forwarding the end of democracy?

 

 

By Ike Abonyi

“Democracy doesn’t rule the world, You’d better get that in your head; This world is ruled by violence, But I guess that’s better left unsaid.” —Bob Dylan

 

 

The central question facing Nigeria is whether escalating insecurity is accelerating the decline of its democratic system. As Wole Soyinka eloquently stated, ‘You cannot feed a hungry man with a ballot paper, and you cannot protect a terrified family with a constitution. If democracy cannot deliver bread and safety, the people will eventually tear down the temple.’

 

Across Nigeria, a significant portion of the population, even those who outwardly profess democratic ideals, are privately concluding that if the current democratic experiment fails to guarantee citizen security—the most fundamental responsibility of governance—then its continuation is untenable. The Nigerian populace appears to be approaching the precipice of dismantling democratic structures, a scenario foreshadowed by Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka.

 

Ironically, ethnic considerations and age seem to have tempered the renowned literary figure’s usual incisive critique of national affairs, leading to his diminished public engagement on these issues. Should Nigeria’s democracy falter, as current trends strongly suggest, the primary beneficiary would undoubtedly be the military. One can speculate that if Nigeria’s former military dictator, General Sani Abacha, were alive today, his reputation for maintaining order would likely position him as a heroic figure, offering a potential solution to the relentless bloodshed plaguing the nation.

 

During his tenure, General Abacha demonstrated considerable prowess in security matters. Despite widespread corruption allegations, his administration was notably disciplined across all sectors. The country experienced a secure environment and economic stability, with the national currency enjoying a period of unprecedented steadiness. However, debate persists regarding whether these achievements were attributable to Abacha’s individual leadership or the nature of his authoritarian governance.

 

Before Muhammadu Buhari came to power, his campaign strategists frequently highlighted his decisive handling of the Maitatsine uprising in Yola in 1984 during his military rule, promising an end to the terrorism and banditry currently plaguing the nation. Yet, from 2015 to 2023, Nigeria witnessed a markedly different Buhari, whose administration inadvertently fostered the current security crisis. This raises a pertinent question: is democracy, as practised in Nigeria and many other practisedations, primarily serving as a mechanism for elite enrichment rather than delivering tangible benefits to the burgeoning impoverished population?

 

The recent successes of military interventions in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger lend credence to this line of reasoning. After 27 years of uninterrupted democratic governance, Nigerians are reaching a point where they may openly declare that a secure nation under military rule is preferable to an insecure democratic one. If the United Nations were to conduct a referendum in Nigeria comparing the current democratic system since 1999 with past military regimes, the results could be surprising.

 

Ultimately, what is the value of any governmental system that cannot safeguard its citizens? Given that the primary mandate of any government is the protection of lives and property, and its failure to fulfil this core duty, why should it fulfil this at the expense of its populace? If Nigeria’s prevailing model of democracy has consistently failed to provide leadership capable of ensuring citizen security, is it not imperative to explore alternative forms of governance?

 

We stand at a critical juncture where we must acknowledge Karl Popper’s observation: ‘A democracy that cannot defend itself, that cannot protect its citizens from violence and disruption, will eventually be overthrown by those who promise order at the expense of freedom.’ Similarly, Timothy Snyder astutely noted, ‘People do not choose fascism or authoritarianism because they love dictatorship; they choose it because they are terrified of chaos. When democracy means instability, the strongman begins to look like a saviour.’

 

The democratic shortcomings of Burkina Faso paved the way for Captain Ibrahim Traoré, a 38-year-old leader now hailed as a hero, prompting questions about the efficacy of democracy. Democracy cannot thrive on mere pronouncements; it requires demonstrable action. For citizens to actively defend a democratic system, that system must possess the capacity, political will, and institutional strength to ensure national security.

 

The question of whether a struggling democracy can effectively secure a nation directly addresses the fundamental social contract. When a government fails to provide basic safety, abstract democratic principles like freedom of speech, voting rights, and the rule of law can quickly become perceived as hollow luxuries for individuals preoccupied with mere survival.

 

Historically and globally, a democratic government’s failure to deliver security leads to a rapid erosion of public trust. Nigeria is currently experiencing this phenomenon. This pattern typically manifests through several critical realities: At its most basic function, the state’s purpose is to shield its citizens from both internal and external threats. Citizens cede a degree of their individual autonomy to the state in return for protection.

 

If a democratic government is incapable of securing its borders, transportation routes, or communities, it fundamentally defaults on its primary obligation. When even school children are vulnerable to banditry, terrorism, or pervasive lawlessness, the legitimacy of that democratic framework is severely undermined. Our pretence of democratic governance is an illusion of freedom devoid of actual safety.

 

This reintroduces the question: Can an individual truly exercise democratic rights when living under constant fear? Have President Bola Tinubu’s assertive stance and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) actions leading up to the 2027 general election adequately addressed concerns about electoral integrity?

 

Security crises directly imperil democratic processes. It becomes exceedingly difficult to conduct fair, transparent, and high-turnout elections when voters, election officials, and candidates face physical threats, especially when there is perceived bias within electoral bodies like the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), as well as law enforcement and judicial institutions.

 

In a nation characterised by over two hundred ethnic groups, where tribalism significantly influences the political landscape, the concentration of key electoral officials from the same ethnic group as the President raises serious questions. History demonstrates that prolonged insecurity, as seen in Nigeria today, can create an environment ripe for the appeal of a strongman, making citizens highly susceptible to populist or authoritarian rhetoric. Individuals may willingly trade political pluralism, checks and balances, and civil liberties for a centralised, decisive authority, particularly if such an order has never truly existed.

 

While authoritarian measures or military interventions often prove to be a trap, offering a seductive promise of a quick resolution—frequently exchanging one form of insecurity for another and introducing state repression without addressing the root socio-economic causes of conflict—when faced with a choice between two undesirable options, the one that prioritises citizen security invariably prioritises recedence.

 

Daily survival becomes paramount; freedoms of movement, assembly, and economic activity hold little value if venturing outside one’s home poses a risk to life or livelihood. Security forms the bedrock upon which all other democratic freedoms are built. When democratic institutions appear weak or paralysed by security crises, public opinion often shifts towards desperation. This represents a gradual, agonising decay from within.

 

Reflecting on India’s democratic journey over the past two decades, one finds strong resonance with the assertion by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt in their book, ‘How Democracies Die.’ They contend that democratic decline is rarely a sudden event like a military coup; instead, it is more frequently a gradual, debilitating internal decay. In such scenarios, democratic structures may persist formally, yet the populace loses all confidence in their capacity to offer protection.

 

In this context, one must question what remains democratic when citizens openly express profound disappointment with the current administration, advocating for its removal, yet feel powerless to effect change. This sentiment arises despite the concentration of power, with key positions held by allies, the support of all 36 state governors, the systematic dismantling of opposition parties, and substantial financial resources allegedly allocated for re-election. The question then becomes: who possesses the ability to counter such influence?

 

Nevertheless, it begs further inquiry as to why, despite these apparent advantages, the current leadership appears apprehensive about the 2027 elections. Could this apprehension stem from an acknowledgement, as suggested by Prof that the populace is poised for radical action?

 

While the future remains uncertain, it is undeniable that in a nation plagued by insecurity, where citizens, including school children, lack basic safety, the very concept of democracy holds little sway. Professor Chinua Achebe, in his seminal work ‘The Trouble With Nigeria,’ eloquently captured this sentiment, stating that when a democracy falters, it is not primarily the politicians who bear the brunt, but the ordinary citizen whose freedoms are sacrificed for security, and whose vote becomes inconsequential in the face of coercion. The escalating security challenges in Nigeria have undeniably shifted the public’s expectations, fostering a demand for a fundamentally different leadership paradigm. Consequently, the upcoming 2027 election is poised to be a pivotal moment. May providence guide us.

Joint DSS-Army team foil planned attacks, kidnap by ESN in S/Nigeria, recover high-calibre arms

 

 

The Department of State Services (DSS), backed by troops of the 82 Division of the Nigerian Army, on Wednesday foiled plans by members of the outlawed Eastern Security Network (ESN) to attack several security checkpoints, kidnap women, students and children across the Southeast States.

A security source disclosed that, acting on intelligence acquired by the DSS, two ESN field commanders coordinating the planned attacks were apprehended on Monday in Garki, Enugu State.

 

The source further revealed that, based on the leads supplied by the nabbed ESN commanders, DSS sought the backing of troops from 82 Division, and executed a covert operation.

 

The operation led to the raids by DSS officers and soldiers on Tuesday and Wednesday on an ESN armoury in the Agbani axis of Enugu State.

 

The raids, disclosed the source, led to the recovery of a cache of high-calibre arms including a rocket launcher, two RPG (rocket propelled grenade) warheads, three RPG chargers, 11 AK-47 rifles, 18 AK-47 magazines, 1,071 rounds of 7.62mm special ammunition, two handheld grenades, one teargas gun, a baton and two teargas canisters.

 

The raids also led to the recovery of one smoke grenade launcher, two teargas canisters, 10 NYSC trousers, eight NYSC T-shirts and four NYSC lanyards. The source disclosed that intelligence revealed that the ESN members were to have used the NYSC uniforms as a cover to launch the attacks.

 

Intelligence gathered from the arrested ESN field commanders, according to another source, revealed that members of the terrorist organization were to have launched massive attacks across the Southeast States, kidnap women, students and children, spread fear and create the impression that the region has been overtaken by insecurity.

 

The Enugu recoveries came barely a week after DSS operatives arrested five suspected arms couriers linked to the gunmen who abducted students and staff of St. Mary’s Catholic School in Papiri Village, Niger State, on November 21, 2025.

 

The suspects, including two Nigeriens, were nabbed in coordinated operations across Kaduna, Niger and Kebbi states. Recovered from the men were 15 AK 103 rifles, 15 magazines and 1,434 rounds of 7.62 mm live ammunition.

 

The outlawed group has been responsible for series of kidnappings and attacks on security operatives in the Southeast, declared the source.

 

The raids on ESN armoury in Enugu State came shortly after a recent arrest by the DSS of several suspected members of the outlawed organization in the State. Globalupfront.

Bandits kill vice principal, six-year-old, one other in Kogi state

 

 

Bandits have killed a Vice Principal, a 6-year-old child, and another person when they invaded Government Secondary School, Iluke Bunu in Kabba/Bunu Local Government Area of Kogi State

The attack was said to have occurred at about 10:00 a.m. on Wednesday and threw the community into mourning and heightened concerns over security in the area.

The Kogi State Police Command Public Relations Officer Afusat Saliu confirmed the incident in a statement, explaining that a large number of armed bandits, operating on about 40 motorcycles, invaded the school with the suspected intention of abducting students and other residents.

Penpushing further reports that Saliu added that the Divisional Police Officer of Kabba ‘A’ Division immediately mobilised a joint security response after receiving distress calls, deploying personnel from the police division, the Police Mobile Force, and tactical teams.

 

The police spokesperson added that military personnel and local vigilante groups already stationed in the area also joined the operation, explaining that preliminary findings indicated that there is presently no conclusive evidence of a successful mass abduction of students or other residents.

 

“The combined security operatives engaged the hoodlums in a fierce gun duel, forcing the criminals to flee into the surrounding bush. Preliminary findings indicate that there is presently no conclusive evidence of a successful mass abduction of students or other residents’, she said.

 

According to the statement assessments are continuing to ascertain the full circumstances surrounding the incident, and equally confirmed that three persons were killed during the attack.

 

“However, investigations and ongoing assessments are continuing to ascertain the full circumstances surrounding the incident, three persons were killed during the attack. They include Mr Ganiyu Anifowose, the Vice Principal of UBE Secondary/Primary School, Iluke; Mr Sunday Jacob Alhassan, aged 70 years; and Sunday Ayele, aged six years.”

 

The statement said one of the attackers was neutralised during the exchange of gunfire, while a member of the joint security team sustained gunshot injuries and is currently receiving treatment.

 

The Commissioner of Police has ordered sustained bush-combing operations and confidence-building patrols in the affected area. According to the Command, joint security operatives are still conducting intensive operations to apprehend fleeing suspects and prevent further attacks.

 

‘Members of the public were urged to remain calm and assist security agencies with credible information. Further developments will be communicated as investigations and operations progress,” the statement added. Penpushing.

Atiku calls for declaration of emergency on security

 

*Says attacks on schools may cripple education, development

 

The presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and former Vice President of Nigeria, Atiku Abubakar has decried the worsening state of insecurity in Nigeria, expressing concern that the terrorists and bandits attacks are now targeted at not only wasting precious human lives, but crippling the country’s  education.

 

Atiku raised the concern on Wednesday following the latest attack on Government Secondary School, Iluke Bunu, Kabba-Bunu Local Government Area of Kogi State in which three persons, including the Vice Principal of the school, and two others were killed while several students   were abducted.

 

Recall that a total of not less than 90 school children were on May 15 abducted in Oriire, Oyo State and Mussa, Borno State and the principal in the Oriire school beheaded.

 

The PDP presidential candidate in the 2027 election is worried that there is a pattern in these attacks aimed at crippling our education sector and consequently stalling our development strides.

 

The former Vice President therefore, calls for the declaration of emergency on security in Nigeria. He, however, noted that the envisaged state of emergency on security does not include the suspension of elected officials of states.

 

According to the Waziri Adamawa, the latest attack on a school in Kogi State is a direct threat to education and a colossal national embarrassment that demands urgent and drastic action.

 

“It is high time the Federal Government declared a statement of emergency to empower commanders with more freedom to act decisively and proactively with these monsters in the county,” Atiku said.

 

“I am not in any way calling for the removal of elected officials, but rather advocating for commanders to have freer hand to protect their battlefield decisions from political interference.”

 

The ADC Presidential candidate explained that “Nigeria is facing worsening insecurity that demands extraordinary measures, including state of emergency.

 

“Learning can only take place in a safe environment and terrorist attacks on schools are increasingly making our schools dangerous places. Worse still, the anxiety and trauma that follow terrorist attacks on schools will inevitably make the school environment unsafe for both students and teachers.

 

“Under no circumstances, should we allow terrorists or bandits to destroy our way of life and stop our children from going to school.”

 

The former Vice President added that “a terrorist attack on one one school is a threat to schools elsewhere across the country because of its domino-effect.”

 

As part of the drastic measures to address these security challenges, Atiku advocated the establishment of national guards made up of retired veterans to complement the efforts of our military and police that are clearly overstretched and under-manned.”

 

He also called for improved human intelligence on terrorist movements and greater community vigilance, explaining that “our communities have a great role to play in information sharing and eternal vigilance.”

 

Why has APC transformed into a leading opposition against one man – Peter Obi?

 

By Adim Williams

It is sad and unfortunate how things have turned out in our dear country under the All Progressives Congress, APC who assumed power rightly or wrongly since May, 2023. Every aspect of our national life has gone from bad to the worst since independence. From security, economy, politics and even social life, it is all a tale of woes. All they engage in are massive borrowing and unjustifiable expenditures resulting in hyperinflation, extreme hardship and hopelessness.

 

Now that the APC is seeking for re-election in the forth-coming 2027 elections, one would expect them to brandish and even gloat with their achievements for their campaigns, but we see none of that. Rather, they have engaged in a relentless but futile effort to de-market, diminish, tarnish and even stop Mr Peter Obi of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC – the only candidate on whom Nigerians have implicit hope to salvage them from ravenous and unconscionable old brigade politicians.

 

If this treacherous onslaught was being done by APC alone, it might have been understandable since the party has nothing to campaign with. But ironically, other contending political parties have joined in the fray, including African Democratic Congress, ADC, Labour Party, LP etc. These parties have a deluge of internal problems and have so far not told Nigerians what they can do differently from the disastrous APC, yet they all have their poisonous arrows pointed at Peter Obi.

 

So the question people are asking daily is: why the obsession with Peter Obi by both the ruling party and other opposition parties? Well, the reasons are simple. First and foremost, Peter Obi under NDC is by far the front-runner presidential candidate for the 2027 presidential election. His personality, integrity, message, achievements and above all, his philosophy of governance have endeared him to vast majority of Nigerians long before now. Reason they voted massively for him in 2023 and will vote him even more massively in 2027.

 

Moreso, it is common knowledge that the 2023 election result was tampered, using a phantom glitch as escape. The authentic numbers got by Peter Obi scared his detractors. If he could get those figures with a small party and within just six months of campaign, imagine what will happen now that he has the time to prepare for 2027 election and with the collaboration of the most popular Northern politician alive; Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso as vice president, VP. Hence the apprehension, deflections and distractions!

When Politics pays the bills, truth becomes an enemy

 

By Paul Joseph

In many political systems, truth is expected to be the currency of accountability. In Nigeria, however, the reality often bends in the opposite direction: politics pays the bills, and truth gradually becomes an inconvenience—sometimes even an enemy.

 

This tension is not always loud or dramatic. It is subtle, structured, and deeply embedded in how power, patronage, and public communication interact. The result is a political environment where facts are frequently negotiable, and narratives are shaped less by evidence than by interest.

 

Across Nigeria’s political landscape, public office is widely seen not just as a platform for governance but as a gateway to influence, survival, and economic security. Once politics becomes the primary source of financial stability for individuals and their networks, the incentive to protect that system becomes stronger than the obligation to question it.

 

In such an environment, truth does not disappear—it is simply filtered. It is adjusted to fit political loyalty, delayed to suit strategic timing, or dismissed entirely when it threatens the flow of advantage. What emerges is a communication culture where contradiction is punished more consistently than wrongdoing.

 

This dynamic is most visible during moments of crisis: elections, security breakdowns, corruption allegations, or governance failures. Competing narratives emerge not necessarily to clarify reality, but to defend positions. The public is left navigating a maze of half-truths, selective disclosures, and emotionally charged counterclaims.

 

Politicians, like actors in any competitive system, respond to incentives. When reward is tied more to loyalty than accountability, silence becomes profitable. When criticism risks exclusion from political or financial networks, truth-telling becomes a costly act. Over time, this reshapes not only behaviour but expectations—what citizens demand and what leaders feel compelled to provide.

 

The media, civil society, and opposition voices often find themselves caught in this structure. Reporting or speaking truthfully is not always enough; it must also survive the pressure of political interpretation. Facts are sometimes reframed as attacks, investigations as conspiracies, and accountability as hostility. In this environment, truth competes not only with falsehood, but with influence.

 

Yet the deeper issue is not simply misinformation. It is the economic architecture of politics itself. When political office becomes one of the most reliable pathways to wealth redistribution among elite networks, the system begins to protect itself. It develops internal mechanisms of denial, justification, and selective outrage. Public interest becomes secondary to political survival.

 

This is why reforms alone often struggle to shift outcomes. Laws may exist, institutions may be created, and oversight bodies may be empowered, but the underlying incentives remain intact. As long as political success guarantees financial security, and financial security depends on political alignment, truth will always face resistance.

 

Still, this is not a story without counterweights. Nigeria’s civic space—though constrained—continues to produce journalists, activists, and citizens who insist on verification over propaganda. Technology has also widened the space for scrutiny, even as it amplifies misinformation. The contest between truth and power is ongoing, not concluded.

 

But the central tension remains: when politics pays the bills, it also pays for silence, loyalty, and narrative control. And in that arrangement, truth is not always defeated—it is simply priced out of circulation.

 

Until the incentives change, Nigeria’s political discourse will continue to struggle with a fundamental imbalance: not a lack of truth, but a system that often rewards everything except it.

 

Nigeria’s petrol imports crash by N2.18 trillion in Q1 2026

 

Nigeria’s petrol import bill fell to N87.40 billion in Q1 2026, from N2.27 trillion in Q1 2025, representing a 96.15% year-on-year decline, according to data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).

 

On a quarter-on-quarter basis, imports of motor spirit dropped by 97.53% from N3.54 trillion in Q4 2025.

 

This means Nigeria spent N2.18 trillion less on petrol imports compared with Q1 2025 and N3.45 trillion less compared with the preceding quarter.

 

The decline was largely driven by increased reliance on locally refined petroleum products, particularly from the Dangote Refinery, which has reshaped Nigeria’s energy trade balance.

 

The decline is significant because motor spirit had remained one of Nigeria’s biggest import items. In Q4 2025, the NBS listed motor spirit ordinary as the country’s top imported product, with a value of N3.54 trillion, accounting for 20.52% of total imports.

 

What the data shows

Nairametrics observed that petrol accounted for only 0.64% of Nigeria’s total imports in Q1 2026, compared with 13.64% in Q1 2025 and 20.52% in Q4 2025.

 

Total imports fell to N13.62 trillion in Q1 2026 from N16.64 trillion in Q1 2025, a decline of 18.17%. Compared with N17.25 trillion in Q4 2025, total imports fell by 21.05%.

However, the fall in petrol imports was much steeper than the decline in the overall import bill, showing that the PMS component drove a major structural shift in Nigeria’s import basket.

Nairametrics further observed that the collapse in petrol imports was so pronounced that PMS dropped out of Nigeria’s top 10 most imported products in Q1 2026.

 

Within processed fuels and lubricants, petrol’s share fell to 14.43% in Q1 2026 from 46.25% in Q1 2025 and 91.36% in Q4 2025.

Its share of total fuels and lubricants also dropped to 3.48% in Q1 2026, compared with 37.24% in Q1 2025 and 80.92% in Q4 2025.

 

Fuel imports shift away from PMS

Total fuels and lubricants imports stood at N2.51 trillion in Q1 2026, down 58.80% from N6.10 trillion in Q1 2025 and 42.56% from N4.37 trillion in Q4 2025.

 

Processed fuels and lubricants recorded the sharpest contraction, falling to N605.53 billion in Q1 2026 from N4.91 trillion in Q1 2025. This represents an 87.67% year-on-year decline. Compared with N3.88 trillion in Q4 2025, processed fuel imports dropped by 84.37%.

In contrast, primary fuels and lubricants rose to N1.91 trillion in Q1 2026, up 60.48% from N1.19 trillion in Q1 2025 and 281.67% from N499.80 billion in Q4 2025.

Other processed fuel imports stood at N518.13 billion in Q1 2026, down 80.37% from N2.64 trillion in Q1 2025, but up 54.73% from N334.85 billion in Q4 2025. Nairametrics.

“Honourably resign” if you can’t fix insecurity, House of Reps tells Military, Security Chiefs

 

The House of Representatives on Tuesday told the Chief of Defence and other Security Chiefs to “honourably resign” if they cannot fix the deteriorating security situation in the country.

This, the House said, they should do if the insecurity persists and public confidence in the government’s efforts is not restored within a clearly defined period.

 

The House also urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to come up with a comprehensive and aggressive security strategy to flush out bandits, terrorists and kidnappers from their hideouts in Nigeria.

 

The call followed the adoption of a motion of urgent public importance moved by Representative Ibe Osonwa (Arochukwu/Ohafia Federal Constituency of Abia), during plenary on Tuesday.

 

The motion is titled: “A Call for Immediate Executive Action on the Surge in Banditry, the Daily Abduction of Schoolchildren and the Perilous Security Situation in Nigerian Schools and Places of Worship.”

 

Osonwa, however, reiterated calls on President Tinubu by several other sources to restore safety across the country amid worsening insecurity.

 

Expressing concern over the escalating wave of kidnappings, banditry, terrorism and attacks on vulnerable communities nationwide, Osonwa reminded the federal government of its constitutional responsibility to protect citizens, citing Section 14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

 

The lawmaker explained that the section as cited provides that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.”

 

He lamented the growing trend of attacks on schools, noting that “the abduction of schoolchildren across several parts of the country has disrupted education and deepened Nigeria’s out-of-school children crisis.

 

According to him, thousands of children have been forced out of classrooms due to fear of attacks, while many families continue to grapple with the trauma of kidnappings.

 

Osonwa decried the systematic targeting of schools and places of worship by criminal elements, warning that institutions traditionally regarded as safe havens have increasingly become soft targets for bandits and kidnappers.

 

He said worshippers across the country now face the risk of attacks, abductions and killings while observing religious activities, which undermines citizens’ constitutional rights to freedom of thought, conscience and religion.

 

The lawmaker also painted a grim picture of the economic consequences of insecurity, stating that “many businesses have shut down, farming communities have been deserted and families plunged into poverty.”

 

Osonwa argued that the current security response appeared largely reactive and insufficient to stem the operations of criminal groups.

 

He warned that the apparent inability to decisively confront bandits and terrorists had created the impression that the government was losing control of parts of the country to criminal elements.

 

Following deliberations, the House condemned in “the strongest possible terms” the continued banditry, mass abductions and attacks on schools and churches across Nigeria.

 

The lawmakers resolved to transmit “an urgent and solemn appeal” to President Tinubu, as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, “reminding him of his oath to protect the lives and property of Nigerians”.

 

The House specifically demanded the immediate deployment of “an aggressive, unrelenting and comprehensive security strategy” to dismantle bandits’ strongholds, secure vulnerable schools and places of worship.

 

They also pledged to ensure the unconditional release of citizens held captive by criminal groups.

 

The House also mandated its Committees on Defence, National Security and Intelligence and the Army to intensify oversight of the implementation of the resolutions and report back within two weeks for further legislative action. Globalupfront.

June 12: Atiku was part of the decision for rotational presidency — Akume

 

 

The Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, CON, has said that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar was among the political leaders who agreed to the adoption of rotational presidency in Nigeria following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election.

 

Senator Akume made the clarification on Tuesday while responding to questions during the World Press Conference held in Abuja as part of activities marking Nigeria’s 27th Democracy Day Anniversary according to a statement on Tuesday signed by Yomi Odunuga, Special Adviser (Media and Publicity) to Secretary to the Government of the Federation.

The SGF recalled that the annulment of the June 12 election, widely regarded as the freest and fairest election in Nigeria’s history and won by Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, necessitated far-reaching political decisions aimed at preserving national unity and strengthening the country’s democratic foundation.

 

According to him, leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) met in Kaduna under the leadership of the late Chief Solomon Lar and Alhaji Adamu Ciroma to deliberate on the way forward, with power shift and the party’s presidential candidature featuring prominently on the agenda.

 

“It was a tough argument before the issue of rotational presidency was agreed on. At the end, we had to concede. We must do this. June 12 annulment had complicated the whole thing. It was finally agreed that we’ll be alternating between North and South.

 

“Atiku was one of the leaders at that meeting, which was convened by Chief Solomon Lar. He was part of that agreement,” Senator Akume stated.

 

The SGF explained that the decision to alternate presidential power between the North and the South emerged from the need to address the political consequences of the June 12 annulment and to promote inclusiveness and national cohesion.

 

Reflecting on the significance of June 12, Senator Akume described the annulment as a painful setback to the democratic aspirations of Nigerians, noting that the election was adjudged free, fair and credible.

 

“Abiola won that election round and square. That election was annulled by the military government. It was very painful because the people spoke and they spoke freely. They made their own choice,” he said.

 

He added that one of the most enduring lessons from the June 12 experience is the supremacy of the people’s will in a democratic society.

 

“The first lesson is that the voice of the people must always be supreme; it must be sacrosanct. That’s the beauty of democracy. We prefer the ballot to bullets,” he said.

 

Senator Akume expressed confidence in Nigeria’s democratic institutions, particularly the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), saying the country has learnt valuable lessons from the events of 1993 and would never allow a repeat of such an annulment.

 

“If an election is conducted very fairly, and one wins no problem. The actors at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) are not young people, they were adults when this thing happened. If we were to take a poll at that time, over two thirds of Nigerians would have condemned that act of annulment.

 

“Fortunately, for us, those at INEC are men of honour and integrity, they  are well read that patriotic Nigerians, and they’re determined to also make a difference. Never again would such happen in this country.

You win, you win. When you lose, go back and prepare for another election. Look at the American example. President Trump lost to Joe Biden. He didn’t bring America down.

He went back prepared and came back and won. That’s the beauty of democracy.

 

“We have decided to embrace democracy. That is why, for 27 broken years, we are enjoying this freedom in a democratic setting.  We love the values and the morals of democracy, and there is no system that is as beautiful as democracy.

 

“It is under a democratic system that you can insult your president and to insult anybody and still go to bed, and you don’t receive a midnight knock on your door. Try it under a totalitarian regime.” Akume stated.

 

He urged political actors to embrace democratic principles, respect electoral outcomes and continue to strengthen the nation’s democratic culture.

 

The SGF further noted that Nigeria’s 27 years of uninterrupted democratic rule underscore the country’s commitment to democratic values, freedom of expression, the rule of law and peaceful political participation.

 

Reps summons Service Chiefs, Finance Minister over security spending

 

The House of Representatives has summoned the nation’s Service Chiefs and the Minister of Finance to appear before it and account for funds allocated and released for security operations amid worsening insecurity across the country.

The resolution followed the adoption of separate motions sponsored by Rep. Ibe Osonwa and Rep. Sulaiman Gumi during plenary, where lawmakers expressed concern over the escalating cases of banditry, kidnappings, attacks on schools, and assaults on places of worship.

Leading the debate, Osonwa recalled that the Constitution places the security and welfare of citizens as the primary responsibility of government, lamenting that the current security situation has continued to deteriorate despite huge budgetary allocations to the sector.

According to him, schools and worship centres, once regarded as safe havens, have increasingly become targets of attacks by armed groups.

“Schools, once sanctuaries of learning, have now become prime targets for ruthless bandits, while religious congregants are regularly attacked during worship services,” he said.

The lawmaker further noted that the persistent wave of kidnappings has worsened the country’s out-of-school children crisis, while many communities have been displaced and economic activities disrupted.

He said ordinary Nigerians increasingly feel abandoned as farms are deserted, businesses shut down, and families forced to pay huge sums in ransom to secure the release of their loved ones.

Osonwa questioned the effectiveness of the country’s security architecture, stressing that despite trillions of naira appropriated for security over the years, the response to emerging threats remains largely reactive and inadequate.

Also contributing, Gumi described the security situation in Zamfara State and other parts of the North-West as a humanitarian crisis. He cited the recent abduction of seven students of Kaura Namoda Polytechnic and disclosed that two senior lecturers of the institution remain in captivity despite ransom payments.

Following deliberations, the House resolved to invite the Chief of Defence Staff, the Chief of Army Staff, the Chief of Naval Staff, the Chief of Air Staff, and the Minister of Finance to provide a detailed account of funds appropriated and released for security operations.

Lawmakers said the appearance would offer Nigerians an opportunity to understand how security funds have been utilised and the impact of such expenditures on the fight against insecurity.

The House also urged President Bola Tinubu to adopt a more aggressive security strategy and ensure the deployment of additional troops, equipment, and resources to Zamfara State and other affected states in the North-West.

In addition, lawmakers called for non-kinetic interventions involving the Ministries of Agriculture, Education, and Humanitarian Affairs to address the underlying socio-economic factors fueling insecurity.

The Committees on Defence, National Security and Intelligence, Army, Navy, Air Force, and other relevant committees were mandated to oversee the implementation of the resolutions and report back to the House within two weeks.

The lawmakers stressed that Nigerians deserve transparency, accountability, and measurable results from the enormous resources committed to securing the country. Authority.