Obi condoles with two Emirates, Zurmi and Gumel, over the passing of their rulers

The Presidential Candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, has commiserated with the people of Zurmi in Zamfara State and Gumel in Jigawa State over the death of their Emirs.

Obi wrote on his X handle, “I offer my heartfelt sympathies to the people of Zurmi Emirate in Zamfara State and the people of Gumel Emirate in Jigawa State regarding the demise of two esteemed traditional leaders: His Royal Highness, Alhaji Bello Sulaiman, Sarkin Zamfara, Zurmi, and His Royal Highness, Emir Ahmed Sani II, Emir of Gumel, who passed away in Egypt.

“Their deaths mark considerable losses to their respective emirates and to Nigeria. As custodians of our culture, history, and traditions, the Royal Fathers played vital roles in safeguarding the identity of their people and fostering peace, unity, and social harmony.

“I sincerely sympathise with their families, the traditional institutions, and the people of Zurmi and Gumel Emirates during this challenging time. May Almighty Allah forgive their shortcomings, grant them Aljannatul Firdaus, and provide their families and subjects with the strength and resilience to endure these irreplaceable losses.”

Dangote Refinery gets SEC approval for IPO, sets price for share

The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has approved the commencement of the Initial Public Offering (IPO) of Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals FZE, paving the way for what could become one of the largest capital market transactions in Nigeria’s history.

The approval was conveyed in a letter to the Lead Issuing House, Vetiva Advisory Services Limited, and signed by the Director of the Securities and Investment Services Department of the SEC, Abdulkadir Abbas.

According to the Commission, the proposed offering comprises 4.1 billion ordinary shares at ₦525 per share, with the potential to raise approximately ₦2.15 trillion if fully subscribed.

In addition, the SEC has registered the company’s existing 120.13 billion ordinary shares.

The regulatory approval clears the refinery’s draft offer documents and authorises the company to proceed with its Completion Board Meeting and Signing Ceremony, marking a significant milestone in the IPO process.

The SEC’s clearance represents another major step in the evolution of Dangote Petroleum Refinery, opening investment opportunities in one of Africa’s most strategic industrial assets and further strengthening Nigeria’s capital market.

Located in Ibeju-Lekki, Lagos, the Dangote Refinery and Petrochemicals Complex occupies approximately 2,635 hectares and is home to a world-class integrated refining and petrochemicals facility.

The complex currently has a refining capacity of 700,000 barrels per day, making it the largest single-train refinery in the world, alongside a 900,000 tonnes per annum polypropylene plant. The facility is powered by a dedicated 435-megawatt power plant.

At full production, the refinery is designed to satisfy Nigeria’s domestic demand for refined petroleum products while generating substantial volumes for export markets.

The facility is also undergoing expansion that is expected to increase capacity to 1.4 million barrels per day, positioning it to become the world’s largest refinery.

The refinery is supported by extensive world-class infrastructure, including a self-sufficient marine facility designed to optimise logistics and freight efficiency.

It also holds the world’s largest single order of five Single Point Moorings (SPMs) and incorporates advanced processing technology that meets World Bank, United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), European emission standards, and Nigerian regulatory requirements.

Its integrated port infrastructure includes multiple quays capable of handling Panamax vessels, liquid cargo shipments, and roll-on/roll-off operations, while its storage network comprises 177 tanks with a combined capacity of 4.742 billion litres.

With SEC approval now secured, the refinery is poised to embark on a historic public offering that could significantly broaden investor participation in one of Nigeria’s most transformative industrial ventures. Franktalknow.

Three killed as vehicle falls from Lagos-Ibadan Expressway bridge

Three women were killed while 10 others sustained varying degrees of injuries after a vehicle plunged from the Long Bridge on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway and fell into a ditch.

The spokesperson for the Ogun State Traffic Compliance and Enforcement Agency, Babatunde Akinbiyi, disclosed in a statement on Friday that the crash occurred around 5:24pm near Mikano on the Long Bridge, inward Lagos.

Akinbiyi stated that the crash involved three vehicles: a white Toyota bus with registration number KJA 247 YM, a white Toyota Corolla marked BDG 867 HG and a white Mazda bus with registration number AGL 891 XX.

According to the statement, 16 people, comprising 12 males and four females, were involved in the crash, while 10 people, nine males and one female, sustained injuries.

The statement said three female occupants were killed in the crash.

“16 people were involved. 10 people were injured and three female adults died.

“According to eyewitness accounts, excessive speeding and loss of control caused the vehicle to somersault into the ditch,” Akinbiyi stated.

According to the statement, two of the deceased were deposited at the General Hospital, Ifo, morgue, while another presumed dead victim was deposited at the Idera Hospital morgue in Sagamu.

The statement added that other injured victims were taken to A.Z. Hospital by the FRSC for medical attention.

Akinbiyi said the vehicle that plunged into the ditch had been recovered and moved to the Warewa Police Station alongside the other vehicles involved in the crash for further investigation.

“The accidental vehicle had been recovered from the ditch and moved to Warewa Police Station with other vehicles involved for further investigation,” the statement said. Punch

2027: INEC to release final list of presidential, NASS candidates September 12

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is expected to release the final list of candidates contesting the January 16, 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections on Saturday, September 12, 2026.

Officials of the commission are currently fine tuning the list, The Nation gathered yesterday in Abuja.

Section 32(1) of the 2026 Electoral Act stipulates that the final list of candidates for an election be released at least 60 days to Election Day.

The commission had, last month, published the provisional list of 19 presidential candidates, their running mates and the particulars of each of them.

Released at the same time was the list of candidates for the election into the Senate and the House of Representatives.

The presidential and NASS elections are scheduled for the same day.

The window for substitution of candidates for the Presidential and National Assembly elections closed on Saturday, August 22, while the last day for the submission of nomination form (form EC 13A-E) closed on Saturday, August 29, 2026.

Publication of the candidates’ Form EC9 is a statutory requirement under Section 29(3) of the Electoral Act 2026, which mandates the commission to display the personal particulars of candidates after receiving their nomination forms.

On the provisional list of the presidential candidates were:

Bola Tinubu – All Progressives Congress (APC)

Atiku Abubakar – African Democratic Congress (ADC)

Peter Obi – Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC)

Senator Sandy Onor– Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)

Omoyele Sowore – African Action Congress (AAC)

Donald Duke – Peoples Redemption Party (PRP)

Okwori Ada Elizabeth Frederick – National Democratic Party (NDP)

Chukwu Anita Zugwai – Young Progressives Party (YPP)

Rufai Adekunle Omoaje – Action Alliance (AA)

Adenuga Sunday – Boot Party

Memeh Samuel – Democratic Liberty Alliance (DLA)

Nwanyanwu Daniel Danerechukwu – Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

Okereke Sunday Chibuzor – Labour Party (LP)

Okereke Iken Esther – National Rescue Movement (NRM)

Abbas-Bin Aliyu – Action Democratic Party (ADP)

Dikwa Suleiman Mohammed – New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP)

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Adebayo Adewole Ebenezer – Social Democratic Party (SDP)

Seyi Makinde – Allied Peoples Movement (APM)

Yusuf Kabiru – Action Peoples Party (APP)

Vice-presidential candidates

Kashim Shettima (APC)

Rotimi Amaechi (ADC)

Rabiu Kwankwaso (NDC)

Shehu Hussaini (AA)

Egbeola Olawale Mertins (YPP)

Ike Chinazam (ADP)

Mustapha Usman Turaki (Boot Party)

Balogun Alex (DLA)

Chikwuemeka Uchenna Anthony (NDP)

Magashi Haruna Garba (AAC)

Umaru Babangida (PDP)

Konto Hajja Bintu (LP)

Hassan Khalid (ZLP)

Samuel Magdalene Gali (NRM)

Abubakar Isah (NNPP)

Buba Musa (PRP)

Bugaje Usman Mohammed (SDP)

Ibrahim Adamu Bala (APM)

Ofordile Peace Egobia (APP) Nation

Daylight.

Northern Senators pay tribute to fallen monarchs, say their voices will be missed

The Northern Senators Forum (NSF) has mourned the passing of the Emir of Gumel, Dr. Ahmed Muhammad Sani, and the Emir of Zurmi, Alhaji Bello Sulaiman, saying their deaths have created a significant void in the traditional institution and northern leadership.

The Forum, in a condolence message signed by its Chairman, Senator Abdulaziz Musa Yar’adua, said it received the deaths with profound sadness and submission to the will of Allah. The Emir of Gumel died on September 3, 2026, while the Emir of Zurmi passed away on Monday.

Senator Yar’adua described the late Emir of Gumel as a scholar, administrator and bridge-builder whose reign was characterised by humility, wisdom and dignity. He said Dr. Sani played an important role in strengthening peace, unity and educational development in the Gumel Emirate and remained accessible to people across social and ethnic divides.

The Forum also recalled the late monarch’s efforts in promoting modern education and girl-child schooling, noting that his leadership was particularly valuable during periods of tension. His national recognition as a Commander of the Order of the Niger, the senators said, reflected his contribution to society, while his counsel helped shape many leaders.

On the Emir of Zurmi, the senators said Alhaji Bello Sulaiman distinguished himself through courage, wisdom and dedication to his people during a challenging security environment in Zamfara State. His five-year reign, according to the Forum, was marked by efforts to strengthen peace, unity and resilience within the emirate.

The Forum said the late Zurmi monarch’s influence went beyond his immediate traditional domain, with his voice respected in wider traditional and peace-building efforts across the North-West. It commended both royal fathers for their contributions to peaceful coexistence, national stability and community development.

The Northern Senators Forum extended its condolences to the two Emirate Councils, the families of the deceased, the governments and people of Jigawa and Zamfara states and the entire traditional institution in Nigeria. It prayed that Almighty Allah forgive their shortcomings, accept their good deeds and admit them into Aljannah Firdaus, while granting their loved ones the fortitude to endure their passing. Authority.

NSCDC cracks down on traffickers, rogue officers, telecom vandals

The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has intensified its offensive against criminal networks with the arrest of suspects linked to child trafficking, illegal arms diversion and telecommunications infrastructure vandalism across different parts of the country.

The operations, conducted by the Commandant General’s Special Intelligence Squad (CG’s SIS), led to the rescue of 15 trafficked minors, recovery of an AK-47 rifle allegedly stolen by a serving officer and the dismantling of a network involved in the vandalism and resale of telecommunications equipment.

According to a statement issued by the Corps’ National Public Relations Officer, Assistant Commandant of Corps Babawale Afolabi, the operations were carried out under the zero-tolerance policy of the Commandant General, Prof. Ahmed Abubakar Audi, mni, OFR, against crime, corruption and the destruction of national assets.

The child trafficking investigation began after a petition over missing children in Kokona LGA of Nasarawa State. Investigators allegedly discovered that Anderson Archibong had been using a purported NGO and a “Back to School Project” to gain the confidence of low-income parents before taking their children. Sixteen children were reportedly trafficked in January and sold for ₦2 million each.

Intelligence operations subsequently led to the rescue of 15 of the minors in Anambra, Imo, Enugu and other eastern transit locations. Three alleged buyers identified as Joy Julius, Ngozi and Eze Lazarus were arrested and reportedly confessed to the offences, while the search for the remaining minor continues.

The Corps also reported a serious breach of its internal security system following the disappearance of an AK-47 rifle assigned to CAII Igah Ameh James of the CG’s Crack Squad. Investigators alleged that James deserted his post and transported the weapon to Otukpo, Benue State, where he sold it to Abakpa Simon Anthony for ₦700,000. The firearm was later sold to Sunday Akor, alias IBB, for ₦800,000 before NSCDC operatives recovered it with two empty magazines.

In Adamawa State, an armoury audit led to the arrest of ASCI Peter Ardo, a former Head of Armoury, and CCA Boniface B. Lawyer over the alleged illegal removal and sale of two unserviceable G3 rifles. Meanwhile, in Delta State, the Corps arrested Henry Dennis with 12 vandalized telecom panels, with investigations allegedly uncovering a wider network involving financier Yusuf Musa and fleeing accomplices.

The NSCDC said administrative and disciplinary proceedings involving implicated personnel had been concluded and that its Directorate of Legal Services had been directed to commence prosecution. The Corps reaffirmed its resolve to protect critical national infrastructure, vulnerable citizens and the integrity of its ranks.

Authority

Tares Oburumu, from a deprived childhood to poetic limelight

By Chiedu Uche Okoye

Poetry, a genre of literature, is an old art whose origin dates to centuries of years ago. And it was William Wordsworth, who defined poetry as the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings, which are recollected in tranquility. But in Nigeria, it is perceived as a labour of love. In spite of Nigerians’ unflattering perception of poetry, Nigerian poets, who are holding aloft the poetic heritage and legacies left behind by Chris Okigbo, Wole Soyinka, Gabriel Okara, and John Pepper Clark, are churning out poetic works.

Thankfully, Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) had instituted a literary competition, our own equivalence of the Nobel prize for literature, which rotates among these genres of literature, namely children’s literature, poetry, drama, and prose. This year’s edition of the NLNG literary competition is for poetry. And 223 entries were received for the competition.

Interestingly, Tares Oburumu, a poet, who has written himself into global reckoning, is on the shortlist for the coveted 2026 NLNG literary prize. The other contenders for the poetic prize are James Ngwu Eze and Ogaga Ifowodo, both of whom had held exalted political posts in the past. Any of them could win the prize. But Oburunmu is hopeful that he will win the literary poetic prize.

Oburumu has worked his fingers to the bone to achieve literary stardom. Over the years, he has honed his poetic skills and experimented with many poetic techniques to create his own poetic style and voice. His tortuous journey to literary greatness was marked by a mixture of failures and successes. While some of his poetic works were rejected by publishers and journals, others were accepted by them. Not deterred by obstacles he encountered in his writing journey, he soldiered on.

Later, good fortune smiled on him, and he won the Sillerman First Book For African Poetry in 2022. His winning that literary prize announced him to the world and boosted his enthusiasm for writing poetry. That literary prize, which he won, secured a place for him in the pantheon of Nigeria’s literary greats. Before then, he had won the GAP poetry prize (Defunct) in 2014. From the foregoing, it can be seen that his emergence on the shortlist of 2026 NLNG literary prize is not a fluke.

But Oburumu had overcome a difficult childhood to emerge as a literary star. He recounted that nursery school education eluded him; and that he attended a primary school where he sat on bare ground to listen to their teachers’ educational teachings. He further said that their primary school’s teachers teach them only four subjects, namely English language, Mathematics, Social Studies, and Christian Religious Studies.

“At the time I was of age to attend school, there were no nursery schools or phase in my place of birth. So I started from primary school. I would say that it was an empty school because it was in a remote place and the people care less of education.

“I recalled that we had no school library, no books, and only about four teachers taking up the arduous task meant for eight or more teachers.

“And we were taught just four subjects: English language, Mathematics, Social Studies, and Christian Religious Studies. We sat on the mud floor until we were in primary four. It was then I wore my first school uniform, which my mother bought with funds she was saving for her fish trade,” Oburumu said.

He narrated how his mother made huge sacrifices and worked hard to help him and his siblings achieve their lives’ aspirations and goals. His mother who dropped out of school when she got pregnant didn’t want him and his siblings to suffer the same sad fate as she suffered. Oburumu was raised in a home where the father was absent. It was a case of deprived childhood.

Not surprisingly, his mother is the afflatus that actuates and drives his poetic enterprise. According to Oburumu, he saw his mother in the lines of poems written by Soyinka, Okigbo, Walcott, and Transtomer, which he had read, innumerable times. And the poetic works of Okigbo, Walcott, and Eliot have great influence on him. His appropriation and melding of their poetic styles birthed a medley, which is authentically and uniquely his. Little wonder, Oburumu has become a star poet.

And he is on the shortlist for the 2026 NLNG literary prize. Tares Oburumu’s poetic work titled Flora’s Love Colony, which is shortlisted for the 2026 NLNG literary prize is a classic re-telling and re-imagining of our chequered colonial past, which encompasses our country’s troubles, flaws, assets, and beauty. That book of poetry is a product of research. Oburumu said that the book would have come out better had the original manuscript not been lost.

And Oburumu’s poetic work is shortlisted alongside James Ngwu Eze’s “Unbind Me Now”; and Ogaga Ifowodo’s “Why Does God Need A Gun’ for the 2026 NLNG literary prize. But if he wins the literary prize, it will have significances for Nigeria’s literati and aficionados. It will be a proof that the circumstances of a man’s birth and his geographical abode cannot impede his intellectual pursuits and creative ingenuity. Again, if he wins the prize, his victory will inspire millions of young people, who are inclined to literature, to take their creative writing, seriously. Another significance of the anticipated Oburumu’s victory is that the resilience of a man’s spirit can take him to a great height in his chosen area of specialization.

The past winners of the yearly NLNG literary competition for the poetry category were Ohaeto Ezenwa and Gabriel Okara, who were joint winners in 2005; Romeo Origun’s Nomad, 2022; Ikeogu Oke’s Heresiad, 2017; and Tade Ipadeola’s Sahara Testament, 2013. Can Tares Oburumu join the lengthening list of the winners of the most prestigious literary prize in Nigeria? The answer blows in the air now.

Court of Appeal nullifies four Electoral Act provisions, reshapes party primaries ahead of 2027

The Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja has struck down four key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, ruling that they are inconsistent with the 1999 Constitution and unlawfully restrict the internal affairs of political parties.

The affected provisions are Sections 77(5), 77(6), 77(7) and 84(2), which deal principally with political party membership registers and the procedures through which parties select candidates for elections.

In a unanimous judgment delivered by a three-member panel led by Justice Balkisu Bello Aliyu, the appellate court overturned the earlier decision of the Federal High Court in a case involving the Zenith Party and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The lead judgment was delivered by Justice Eberechi Nyesom-Wike, with the panel holding that political parties cannot be subjected to statutory restrictions that interfere with powers guaranteed to them under the Constitution.

The court consequently struck down Section 77(5), which restricted participation in party primaries to members whose names appeared on the membership register submitted to INEC. Section 77(6), which prevented parties from using a different register during primaries, congresses and conventions, was also nullified.

Similarly, Section 77(7), which could prevent a political party from fielding candidates where it failed to submit its membership register within the stipulated period, was declared unconstitutional. The court also struck down Section 84(2), which limited candidate nomination to direct primaries or consensus.

The Court of Appeal held that political parties should retain greater discretion over their internal affairs, particularly in determining the procedures through which they select their candidates, while stressing that the judgment did not invalidate the entire Electoral Act or abolish the requirement for parties to maintain and submit membership registers to INEC.

The judgment is expected to have significant implications for the 2027 general elections, particularly the conduct of party primaries and the nomination of candidates, as political parties may now have greater latitude in managing their internal electoral processes. Authority.

Tinubu–Shettima 2027 support group begins nationwide mobilisation

The National Movement for Tinubu–Shettima 2027 — Forward Nigeria has commenced preparations for a nationwide consultation, organisation and mobilisation campaign ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The movement, which is backing the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), said it had already established the philosophical, organisational and operational structures required for a broad-based national mobilisation.

This was contained in a statement issued in Abuja on Thursday and jointly signed by members of the movement’s Interim National Coordinating Committee led by Professor Rufa’i Ahmed Alkali, National Coordinator; Dr Bassey Rekpene, National Coordinating Secretary; and Ardo Zubairu, National Media Coordinator.

The group explained that although September 1 had initially been considered for its formal public unveiling, further consultations and organisational considerations had necessitated a slight adjustment.

It said a new date for the formal commencement of its activities would be announced shortly.

According to the movement, substantial progress has already been made in developing the structures that will guide its activities, including a **Mandate Document** which serves as its foundational framework.

The document, it said, defines the movement’s philosophy, objectives, organisational architecture and strategic direction.

It has also developed a **National Covenant**, outlining its position on the 2027 elections and the rationale behind its support for the continuity of the Tinubu-Shettima administration under the APC.

The movement said its support was based on the conviction that the 2027 election would provide Nigerians with an opportunity to assess the direction of the country and make informed choices on its future leadership.

“The 2027 election must go beyond personal issues and propaganda. It should provide Nigerians an opportunity to assess competing visions, evaluate national progress and make informed choices about the leadership and policies best suited to advancing the country’s interests,” it said.

The group also disclosed that it had developed a comprehensive **Programme of Action** to guide consultations, stakeholder engagement, public communication, grassroots mobilisation and interaction with citizens across the country.

It said its communication and administrative infrastructure was being strengthened through the establishment of an official website, email platforms, WhatsApp channels and dedicated telephone lines.

The movement said consultations had already commenced with stakeholders and prospective members across the 36 states of the federation, as well as Nigerians in the diaspora.

“We are engaging members nationwide and beyond to establish their level of commitment, identify areas of competence and interest, and determine the responsibilities they are prepared to undertake. The response has been encouraging,” the statement said.

Following its formal launch, the group said it would roll out a structured national mobilisation programme aimed at establishing its presence across states, local government areas and communities.

It said details of forthcoming activities, including dates, venues and participation arrangements, would be communicated through its official channels after the ongoing preparations were concluded.

The movement stressed that successful political mobilisation required more than popular enthusiasm, insisting that organisation and sustained engagement would be critical to the 2027 electoral contest.

“Elections are not won by enthusiasm alone. Organisation, communication, mobilisation, commitment and responsible civic participation remain indispensable,” it said.

The group therefore urged its members and supporters to strengthen their networks, engage more deeply with their communities and identify areas where they could contribute to the Tinubu-Shettima 2027 project.

It said its central objective was to build “a broad-based, disciplined, credible and nationally representative platform of support” for the re-election bid.

The movement said the objective was situated within what it described as a larger vision of a stronger, more prosperous, secure, stable and forward-looking Nigeria.

It further distinguished itself from what it described as conventional political support groups, saying it intended to provide a structured platform through which supporters could participate actively in the country’s political process.

“The National Movement for Tinubu–Shettima 2027 — Forward Nigeria is not conceived merely as another political support platform. It is intended to provide a credible national vehicle through which Nigerians who share this vision can participate actively, responsibly and constructively in shaping the country’s political future,” the statement said.

The movement subsequently invited Nigerians who support continuity, stability, development, national cohesion and what it described as progressive governance to identify with the emerging mobilisation ahead of the 2027 elections. Authority.

Oluwatosin Ajayi: The quiet revolution inside Nigeria’s Secret Service

By Chidi Omeje

“Power announces itself with noise; reform proves itself in silence.”

Two years into his tenure as Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Oluwatosin Ajayi is making a case for a different kind of leadership for Nigeria’s premium intelligence asset: one that is tough on terrorism and organised crime, but more restrained in the exercise of state power; one that pursues convictions rather than headline arrests, cooperation rather than inter-agency rivalry, and public trust rather than institutional intimidation. That is the real significance of Ajayi’s tenure.

He is not an outsider attempting to impose change on the DSS. He is its own creation. He joined the Service as a cadet officer 36 years ago and rose through its ranks to become its Director-General; the first cadet of the organisation to reach its summit.

He knows the system from within: what it can do, where it falls short and where its habits have sometimes worked against it. His answer has been neither to repudiate the past nor to defend it reflexively, but to change what needs changing. The clearest evidence is the way he has sought to redefine the use of power itself.

Under Ajayi, the principle is straightforward: not every dispute is a security matter, and not every disagreement requires an arrest. For him, civil disputes should be resolved through civil processes. Where the Service disagrees with a journalist or civil society organisation, it can seek clarification, demand a correction or go to court. The coercive powers of the state should be reserved for genuine threats and criminal conduct.

In a country where security agencies have often been criticised for blurring that distinction, this is more than administrative reform. It is a change in institutional culture. And that may prove to be Ajayi’s most important contribution to the DSS.

For years, the DSS was often portrayed as an institution where the arrest room came before the courtroom, and where allegations could sometimes become punishment before evidence was tested. Ajayi appears determined to change that culture. His operating principle is refreshingly straightforward: not every dispute is a security matter, and not every disagreement requires an arrest. That may sound elementary in a democracy. But in an intelligence organisation accustomed to operating behind a veil of secrecy, it represents a significant cultural shift. And the evidence of that shift is difficult to ignore.

Ajayi has been recognised and appreciated by the International Press Institute, the Nigeria Union of Journalists and the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria, institutions whose relationship with the security establishment has not always been comfortable. The irony is hard to miss: a DSS Director-General receiving plaudits from the media.

But perhaps his most consequential reform is one that has received less attention: the decision to acknowledge when the state gets it wrong.

Ajayi has also embraced what may be described as restorative justice: when DSS personnel cause unjustifiable harm, the Service should apologise, compensate the victim and, where possible, help restore what was lost. Consider the Jos businessman mistakenly shot in 2016. A court awarded him ₦10 million, but the judgment was not implemented for years. Ajayi reopened the matter after becoming DG, accepted the Service’s responsibility, provided medical treatment and approved another ₦10 million to help rebuild the man’s livelihood.

There are other cases: an Abuja businesswoman mistakenly arrested during an anti-bunkering operation; a couple detained on mistaken terrorism allegations; students whose phones were damaged during a counter-kidnapping operation. In each case, the underlying message is the same: the power of the state does not make the state infallible. That is an important lesson for any security institution, and it is also smart intelligence policy.

Ajayi understands that the greatest asset of an intelligence service is not always a satellite, surveillance system or sophisticated database. It is people. Citizens who trust security agencies are more likely to volunteer information. Communities that do not feel collectively criminalised are more likely to cooperate. People who believe that the state will correct its mistakes are less likely to regard it as an enemy. In Ajayi’s formulation, human intelligence begins with human dignity. That philosophy also explains his interest in reaching vulnerable Nigerians, including young people from orphanages, and his emphasis on humanitarian interventions across communities.

There is a strategic calculation beneath the humanitarianism: reduce alienation and you reduce the space in which violent extremism and organised crime can thrive. But Ajayi’s reform agenda is not simply about being softer. On the contrary, he has presided over a DSS that appears increasingly determined to be tougher where toughness is justified, and smarter about where it is applied.

The clearest example is the emphasis on convictions rather than mere arrests. For too long, Nigerian security agencies have sometimes celebrated the arrest of suspects as though arrest itself were proof of guilt. Ajayi’s approach is different: investigate properly, gather evidence, prosecute diligently and secure convictions. That approach has produced terrorism convictions resulting in life imprisonment, lengthy prison sentences and death sentences in some cases.

The Service has also reported the interception and recovery of hundreds of sophisticated firearms and more than 300,000 rounds of ammunition, alongside operations targeting terrorist and kidnapping networks. The point is not the statistics alone. It is the philosophy behind them: disrupt the network, dismantle its supply chain and take the case to court. That is what a professional intelligence service should do.

Ajayi has also taken aim at another longstanding weakness in Nigeria’s security architecture: institutional rivalry. His prescription is blunt. If agencies compete for glory, blame leadership. If they cooperate, credit leadership.

Under his watch, the DSS has increasingly emphasised intelligence sharing and joint operations involving the military, police, NSCDC, vigilantes and foreign partners. The Oriire school children and teachers abduction operation in Oyo State is a useful illustration. Rather than one agency claiming the victory, the operation was acknowledged as a collective effort. Nigeria’s security threats are too complicated for one agency to defeat alone.

The intelligence chief is equally candid about the limits of intelligence. He does not pretend that the DSS can prevent every attack. Nor does he hide behind the hundreds of threats that may have been disrupted but never became headlines. His acknowledgement that a parent whose child has been kidnapped does not care about attacks that were prevented elsewhere is perhaps one of the most sober observations from his modus operandi.

For him, a prevented attack is invisible. A kidnapped child is not. That is why his advocacy for stronger local security structures, including state police and forest guards, is significant. Intelligence without the capacity to respond quickly can become little more than information sitting in a file.

And there is another issue on which the DSS chief deserves credit: his insistence that crime must not be ethnicised. Nigeria cannot criminalise an ethnicity because some members of that community commit crimes. Criminality has no tribe, religion or political party. The task of the state is to identify the criminal, prosecute the criminal and protect the innocent, without collective punishment.

Ajayi’s explanation of the country’s worsening insecurity points to something deeper: the retreat of governance from remote communities. Where government disappears, criminals move in. Where forests become ungoverned spaces, kidnappers establish camps. Where communities lose legitimate security structures, criminal networks fill the vacuum. The answer, according to him, cannot be guns alone. It must include governance, intelligence, community policing, justice and the restoration of public confidence. That broader understanding may be the most important feature of Ajayi’s leadership. He is not presenting the DSS merely as an organisation that arrests people. He is rather trying to turn it into an institution that anticipates threats, builds partnerships, gathers intelligence, respects the law, protects its credibility and learns from its mistakes.

The transformation is however not complete. Indeed, Nigeria’s security challenges remain daunting. Terrorism, kidnapping, banditry, communal violence, arms proliferation and ungoverned spaces continue to test the country. Ajayi himself concedes that the Service must do more.

That concession is important. The true measure of a security chief is not how loudly he declares victory, but how honestly he confronts the threat. Two years into his tenure, Ajayi’s most consequential achievement may therefore not be any single arrest, weapons seizure or conviction. It may be something less dramatic but far more enduring: the attempt to change the culture of a powerful institution.

He is certainly determined to make the DSS tough without making it reckless. Secretive without being unaccountable. Powerful without becoming arbitrary, and feared by criminals without being feared by innocent citizens. That is a difficult balance but after 36 years inside Nigeria’s secret service, Oluwatosin Ajayi appears to understand something fundamental: the ultimate strength of an intelligence organisation is not how much power it possesses, but how effectively it earns the trust of the people it is sworn to protect.

That is the quiet revolution underway at the DSS and Mr Oluwatosin Ajayi is behind it. Kudos to him.

Chidi Omeje is the Publisher of Security Digest and member of Zagazola Media Network